The General Strike – local experience – 4 May to 12 May 1926

The first General Strike, sometimes referred to as the Great British Strike, took place between the 4 and 12 of May 1926.

On 1 May 1926, miners throughout Britain were locked out of the pits until they agreed to substantial wage reductions and to work longer hours. This precipitated the General Council of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) deciding to take industrial action in support of the miners. The TUC was meticulous in avoiding the term ‘general strike’. Traditionally in the ‘labour movement’, the term had revolutionary overtones. Despite this intention, as soon as the taking of industrial action was called for, it was referred to as a ‘General Strike’.

What is not often recognised is that the TUC was not wanting a universal shutdown. It hoped that selective strikes in a number of key industries, notably transport and energy, would be sufficient.

The industrial action was of a short duration and did not achieve its stated objectives. It did, though, significantly shape the Labour Movement’s strategy.

Fears for the Economy

In the 1920s, around 80% of the nation’s energy depended on coal, so any disruption threatened not just industry, but everyday life. In Medway, major employers such as Short Brothers, Aveling & Porter, the Dockyard, and local cement works were all heavily dependent on both fuel and the steady arrival of raw materials by river and rail.

The following is not about the details of what was behind the strike. Drawing on material from the local press, the following describes how the strike was experienced by the inhabitants of Rochester at the time. It is best read alongside histories to add a local depth to what was happening at a governmental level.

Preparing for Crisis

Expecting the strike lasting longer than it did, the Government implemented some contingencies. A significant lead in delivering these was taken by an unofficial body called the ‘Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies’ (OMS). It was comprised of industrialists and some Conservative politicians. Although not a government organisation, it was supported by the government. Its central role was to handle the recruitment of volunteers to mitigate the effect of the strike.

National Contingencies

Coal Supplies

The miners’ dispute, leading up to the General Strike, was having a significant impact. It created economic disruption, political tension, and a sense that a national crisis was imminent. Firms began to stockpile coal. As a consequence, some of the contingencies put in place to manage the impact of the General Strike were already in place – they only needed to be escalated.

Private householders were prevented from buying coal if they already had 5cwt (254kg) on their premises. Factories and offices were restricted to 50% of their weekly average consumption during the four weeks preceding 1 May. A similar restriction was placed on the consumption of electricity and gas based on meter readings prior to 1 May.

The Government placed an embargo on unloading coal that arrived in Medway. Colliers that came into the Medway were boarded by inspectors. They advised the captains that they were not to unload their cargos. The press did not report where the coal was redirected. I suspect it would have been to a central and more secure place. From here, it would be easier to prioritise supplies to sectors for which coal was critical – power stations, gas works, hospitals, naval establishments, etc.

Controlling the Narrative

In order to present their narratives, both the government and the TUC produced their own news sheets.

From the Government’s strike headquarters at the British Museum, material was produced for the British Gazette. It was edited by Winston Churchill, who was also likely its principal contributor.

To counter the Government’s narrative, the TUC published The British Worker. It was printed by voluntary labour at the Daily Herald offices. The Union used its publication to request the strikers to be exemplary in their conduct. The TUC wanted to present the industrial action as being about defending workers’ rights, and not as a revolution, as the Government had stated. There was also the possibility that any violence could be used to justify martial law-style measures.

The tone of the two following notices is quite different. The TUC notice is rather defensive compared to that of Stanley Baldwin. But the TUC would have been aware that military and civic forces had been put on standby, and that the Emergency Powers Act had been enacted on 30 April. This would have indicated, to the TUC, that the Government was in a position to act forcefully if given sufficient cause.


Copies of the British Gazette and the British Worker were sold across Medway. Both cost 1d, with delivery facilitated by volunteer drivers.

Wireless Communications

Use was made of the wireless (radio) to communicate information. However, due to fears that radio news could put traditional newspapers out of business, the BBC, as it was to become, could only transmit the news in the evening— after all, newspapers would have been sold.

Military Recalled

Naval ratings were recalled to port to ensure their availability should the need arise. Other members of the military were confined to their barracks. All pubs were closed to service men. It was also noted that the size of the audiences in cinemas and theatres across Medway was significantly down.

Anticipating the possibility that pickets may interfere with the undertaking of essential work, the Government placed notices in local papers outlining the penalties for not complying with an ‘Emergency Order’.

“If any person attempts or does any act calculated or likely to cause mutiny, sedition or disaffection amongst HM Forces, fire brigades or civilian population or to impede, delay or restrict any measure taken for cleaning and regulating the supply or distribution of food, water, fuel, light or other necessity, or for maintaining the means of transport or of locomotion, or for the purpose essential to public safety, he shall be guilty of an offence against this regulation.”

Local Contingencies

Securing of Weapons and Ammunition

As was customary during strikes and unrest, all arms and ammunition had to be secured. At Rochester, the Royal Engineers removed the armoury used by the King’s School’s Combined Cadet Force.

Voluntary Emergency Committees

As part of the OMS’s contingencies, a Voluntary Emergency Committee was established at Rochester. It was chaired by the Mayor, R. Wilfrid Dale, who cancelled all engagements that would have taken him out of the city.

The Voluntary Emergency Committee were located in the Corn Exchange, where the committee’s secretary had an office. The main responsibility of the committee was to recruit volunteers who could help maintain essential services. Four hundred inhabitants of Rochester quickly volunteered. They included electricians, stokers, manual workers, lorry drivers, motorcyclists, and cyclists. Anecdotally, it was claimed that a number of young men volunteered in the hope of driving a locomotive.

Traders at Rochester who experienced difficulties in respect of food distribution were told to contact the secretary of the Emergency Committee at once.

Chatham and Gillingham also set up committees. Six hundred people of “both sexes and from all classes” signed up as volunteers at Chatham’s Town Hall. Gillingham’s emergency committee established its offices in 28 Green Street; it also received many volunteers, many of whom were ex-naval and military officers.

The Local Press

There were sufficient non-union journalists and printers available to support the production of Medway’s local papers. They could remain ‘operational’—so long as they were not heavily picketed.

The Chatham Rochester & Gillingham News published an editorial stating that it would continue to publish so long as circumstances permitted. However, in order not to attract the ire of pickets, the editor stated:

“In dealing with the crisis, it is our intention to:

  • Adhere rigidly to the facts and to express no opinion as to the pros and cons of either side

and

  • Not to report matters of rumour or hearsay, or reproduce inflammatory and alarmist material likely to spread disaffection.

Sensible people will know how to treat the many idle tales which invariably circulate during abnormal times, such as those which we are now passing.”

The Public ‘Stock-up’

“Careful housewives” prepared themselves for the worst. As a precaution against the loss of electricity and gas, there was a run on candles, with many stockists selling out.

Local Support for Industrial Action

On the first day of industrial action, it was noted that the streets were particularly quiet at the start of the day. This may well have been due to there being no trams.

Each day, a large number of men, principally railwaymen and transport workers, thronged the streets, “but the utmost good feeling prevailed”. The authorities allowed the men to hold meetings on the Esplanade, and grounds were placed at their disposal in order that they could “indulge in games of football and cricket”.

Clearly there were questions as to why local workers should suffer hardships, and risk losing their jobs for a dispute that was not theirs. This was a question that women appeared to have raised – presumably as the ones who would have been expected to manage the consequences for their children. (Some unions were able to provide some financial help, but their means were limited. Train drivers received 24s [£1.20] per week strike pay. Their usual pay would have been between £3 and £4.)

Tramwaymen’s Wives’ Meeting

A meeting was convened at Chatham, that was also attended by the wives of striking tram workers. It addressed the question of “what use is it to the miners if our husbands strike down here?” Adults could tighten their belts, but the women were concerned about the impact on their children. The chairman acknowledged that husbands and wives cannot be expected to always agree, so he asked them to “sink their differences in the present case for the sake of their kids.” It was reported that the women present accepted the argument that the dispute was about ensuring that governments cannot attack workers’ wages.

Local Impact of the Industrial Action

This was very mixed. Workers were drawn between loyalty to their employer and supporting workers in a dispute that did not directly involve them. The message given at meetings was that if the miners failed, it could have implications for all workers. The Government’s message was that the country’s constitutional government was being attacked.

The following summarises reports of the industrial action taken by particular sectors in Medway. In some ways, it appears that the response to the call to take industrial action was somewhat half-hearted. But it is worth recalling that the TUC had only endorsed the taking of sympathetic action in key sectors. These, though, did include transport of all kinds, the press, metal and steel industries, and electricity and gas.

Rochester Port: About 120 Medway stevedores were affected by the strike. The impact of the action was reduced somewhat by the redirection of coal for unloading.

Railways: Leaders of the Railway and Transport Union told its members to do their utmost to paralyse and break down the supply of food and necessities of life. However, support was somewhat weak across Medway. There was only one day of picketing, and an occasional train was run for commuters.

Trams: Staff of the Chatham and District Light Railways Co., fully supported the strike, meaning no trams ran during the strike. A sign was placed outside the Luton depot advising that strikers would be given their National Health cards—indicating their dismissal.

Buses: Maidstone & District buses continued to run. Extra coaches were laid on to assist commuters. This attracted aggressive picketing. There was one incident when a bus was stoned by pickets whilst travelling between Rochester and Gravesend. The driver declined a police escort, feeling that it could incite further trouble. Instead, the driver took the long route back to Rochester via Cuxton.

Gas: Employees of the Rochester, Chatham and Gillingham Gas Co., carried on as usual. They had been called out, but the request was later rescinded. The firm had stockpiled enough coal to sustain gas production for several months.

Electricity: The Kent Electrical Power Company carried on as usual. The generation of electricity continued as normal; the company also had a considerable stock of coal.

Council staff: Staff working for the Rochester Corporation did not come out on strike.

Aveling & Porter: About 30 moulders and pattern-makers came out for one day before returning to work.

Short Brothers: A notice board was exhibited by Short Brothers stating “These works are open to all loyal subjects. Help our country, yourself, and the firm by remaining at work.” A small proportion ceased work, but the majority responded to the appeal and remained “loyal to the firm”.

Building and Construction: Apart from a housing scheme on the Rochester-Maidstone road, all construction work was effectively brought to a halt. The TUC had stipulated that the building of houses and hospitals should not be affected. Carpenters and plumbers came out during Tuesday and Wednesday, and on Wednesday night, bricklayers and plasterers finished work. Labourers automatically ceased work when the bricklayers took industrial action. Of greatest concern expressed in the press was the cessation of urgent works that were being undertaken at St Williams Hospital – but those works should have been unaffected.

Cement Works: Although the cement workers did not come out on strike, they were laid off when coal stock was exhausted. As their unemployment was not of their making, they could present themselves to the Unemployment Office to claim benefit.

The only evidence discovered for the use of local volunteers was for drivers to assist in the distribution of newspapers to newsagents.

To help maintain public morale, the band of the Royal Engineers gave four free concerts in the castle grounds.

Wireless Communication – Comes into its Own

Despite the best endeavours, the supply of printed news was patchy. As a consequence, the radio became an important source of national information. This was also the first time the BBC functioned as a true national news service.

Example of a 1925 Radio

In 1926, only about two million households had a radio licence. Those who did have access to a radio often shared listening with others.

In Medway, the Royal Engineers had a radio, and a “wireless receiving set” was installed at the Police Station in Rochester. Both the police and the Royal Engineers relayed information by posting bulletins outside their buildings. The Royal Engineers also published daily a news sheet, the “Wireless News”. This contained information that had been received over the radio. The Gillingham Corporation also issued official bulletins containing information received via the wireless.

At Walderslade, Captain Joyce, who had a powerful wireless, set up a loudspeaker in his garden so villagers could hear the broadcast news for themselves.

Return of ‘Wartime Stoicism’?

Teachers and pupils showed great enterprise in getting to school. It was reported that they used many novel and enterprising ways to get there. Some drove, some used delivery lorries, and some schoolgirls stopped any type of vehicle and “wangled a lift”.

With railways being closed, there was a greater reliance on road haulage. Hundreds of lorries passed through Rochester High Street during the first three days of the strike, possibly driven by volunteers.

To avoid hostile picketing, the lorries may have travelled in convoys, but those passing through Rochester were marked “Food Supplies Only”. Car drivers were also concerned about provoking the ire of pickets.

Businessmen who needed to resort to using their cars were concerned about them being stoned as they passed through some Medway communities. To make it look as if they weren’t travelling on business, some drivers ‘dressed’ their cars. Some placed a wreath on the roof of their car—perhaps making it look as if it was part of a cortege. Others decorated their cars with lamps and crepe ribbons, perhaps as if they were going to a wedding?

The Strike Ends

The strike ended with a dramatic suddenness after nine days. Under the headline “Common sense wins – Is it the dawn of peace?” it was announced that the strike ended with an unconditional withdrawal of strike notices by the TUC. Miners did not return—that decision rested with their National Conference. No assurance was given that strikers would not be victimised when they returned to work.

Perhaps due to the short duration of the industrial action, the relationship between workers and ‘management’ does not appear to have been adversely affected.

Tram Services: On Friday 14th, trams began to run again in Medway. The management of the Chatham and District Light Railways Co., “did not allow the strike to interfere with the relations existing between them and their employees”. The men returned on the same terms as prior to the strike.

Aveling & Porter: Fifty-nine workers of the Amalgamated Engineering Union who joined the industrial action presented for work. They were only away for 24 hours. All were taken back, and the works quickly returned to running at full steam.

Short Brothers: All employees who answered the call to down tools presented themselves at the Rochester works on Thursday, 13th. About 60 were re-engaged. About 30 were not re-engaged due to supply shortages. This was due to the firm’s Midland suppliers closing during the strike. The company advised that they would only be called if and when their services are required.

Despite the short duration of the strike, nationally 162 million working days were lost. Apart from the withdrawal of the tram service and an increase in road haulage, the impact on Medway appears to have been minimal. There had been some picketing. Generally, it would seem to have been orderly—apart from the stoning of the bus. But then would the local press have risked reporting on events to which the unions could have taken exception?

The chief constable, though, reported to the Police Committee that there had been no cases of disorder or cases brought before the court during the strike. He observed that local people tended to be law-abiding, with trouble only occurring when people came in from outside the area. It was also reported that there had been a decrease in road traffic accident – despite presumably there being more vehicles on the roads.

Publication of the British Gazette ended with the end of the dispute. The British Worker closed a few days later.

Public Celebration

Taking care not to say anything controversial, the Mayor of Rochester thanked the citizens of Rochester for their good conduct. He also thanked General Grant for allowing the Royal Engineers’ Band to give four free performances in the Castle Gardens.

The Mayor warned that although the strike was over, some discomforts may continue for a few more days, and he hoped that law and order would be maintained. He assured the assembled that everything would be done to prevent needless suffering—particularly to women and children. [This would probably mean giving priority access to food and milk, and possibly healthcare, should the need arise.]

To help sustain the morale of the public during the recovery period, the Rochester & Strood Branch of the British Legion Band gave a performance in the Castle Gardens on the night of Sunday, 16 May.

Geoff Ettridge
9 April 2023

Sources

Chatham, Rochester and Brompton Observer, 7 May 1926

Chatham, Rochester and Gillingham Observer, 7 May 1926

Chatham, Rochester & Gillingham News, 7 May 1926

Chatham, Rochester and Brompton Observer, 14 May 1928

Chatham, Rochester & Gillingham News, 14 May 1926

Chatham, Rochester and Brompton Observer, 21 May 1926

“The 1926 General Strike – its impact on life in the Medway Towns.” Cantium vol 3. Winter 1971/72. John Whyman

The British General Strike 1926. Margaret Moors, The Historical Association. 1973